I frequently break down the results of a statewide race by congressional or state legislative district. I've compiled all such breakdowns I've published (and a few I haven't before) on this page.
Currently covers the 2020 presidential election and the 2021 special Senate runoff. I hope to add the remaining races soon. For the general election, I have obtained exact results for many districts. For the runoffs, it seems truly exact tabulations will not be possible, but I am working to obtain improved data.
Turnout by party for the June 9, 2020 primary election, broken down by:
The data is complete for counties, congressional districts, and judicial circuit, and for all State Senate districts except 3 and 7. For the state House, districts with complete data have the majority party's percent of the two-party vote bolded in the total row.
All statewide partisan races in Georgia in 2018 by congressional district. Also includes a metric measuring districts' PVI relative to the state that year.
My estimates for the SD breakdowns of the 2018 races for Governor, Secretary of State (general and runoff), Attorney General, and Public Service Commission District 3 (runoff only), along with the results of each SD race that year and Daily Kos Elections' estimates breaking down the 2016 presidential race.
My estimates for the HD breakdowns of the 2018 races for Governor, Secretary of State (general and runoff), Attorney General, Commissioner of Agriculture, and Public Service Commission District 3 (general and runoff), along with the results of each HD race that year, Daily Kos Elections' estimates for the 2016 presidential race, and 2012 presidential estimates. The 2012 estimates have mixed attribution, which is covered by a column in that sheet.
My breakdowns of the 2016 presidential, U.S. Senate, and Public Service Commission (Echols) races, as well as the Amendment 1 (“Failing Schools”) referendum, by congressional district. Also includes a metric measuring districts' PVI relative to the state that year.
David Perdue (R) defeated Michelle Nunn (D) by a comfortable margin in a race that Democrats had high hopes for.
Until 2020, the 2008 PSC race was the last time a Democrat received the most votes in a statewide partisan election in Georgia. However, the race went to a runoff, in which Lauren “Bubba” McDonald (R) easily defeated Jim Powell (D). Powell had the support of incumbent Angela Speir (R), who had ousted McDonald from the seat in 2002, when McDonald was still a Democrat. Although Powell won the most votes, he only won 64 of 180 House districts, only one of which went on to be a Romney 2012 district.
For these calculations, I used a complex procedure to assign early in-person, mail absentee, and provisional votes to the precinct level; this approach combined the Election Day precinct results and the Secretary of State's voter turnout data so that the other votes could be distributed as accurately as possible.
The McDonald/Powell race by congressional district. McDonald won 9 of the state's 14 districts.
Several statewide partisan races and the Hunstein/Wiggins Supreme Court race by congressional district. This was the last year before 2020 that any Democrat in Georgia won a statewide majority in a partisan race; both parties had at least one incumbent win in a landslide. These estimates are of somewhat lower quality than the 2008 CD calculations due to difficulty matching 2006 precincts to CDs, an issue I may be able to correct at some point.
Covers all statewide races (President, U.S. Senate, and Question 1) by state Senate and state House district, as well as turnout by district. No estimation was involved in these calculations.
All partisan statewide races in R.I. from 2012 to 2018 by state Senate and state House district, along with a summary metric measuring a district's “PVI” relative to the state.
This race was a major ideological battle, with the more conservative candidate, the incumbent, pulling off a narrow victory. The results also reflected a strong regional divide.
Please note that due to a large number of precinct consolidations, these figures are only rough estimates.
Please note that due to a large number of precinct consolidations, these figures are only rough estimates.
The 2018 Michigan gubernatorial race by state House district. Gretchen Whitmer, the Democrat, won the popular vote by 9.5% but only won 56 districts to Republican Bill Schuette's 54. There are a couple of inaccuracies in the certified results, which I did my best to adjust for.
The 2018 and 2019 spring elections for the state's Supreme Court, both of which were hard-fought, broken down by state Senate and Assembly district. I handled split precincts using data from a voter file vendor with a uniform split methodology. Unlike many of my tabulations, I did not provide county-level data here.
The 2018 general elections for Governor, U.S. Senate, Secretary of State, Attorney General, and Treasurer in Wisconsin broken down by state Senate and Assembly district. No estimation was involved in these calculations. Unlike many of my tabulations, I did not provide county-level data here.
The 2018 general election runoff between Cindy Hyde-Smith (R) and Mike Espy (D) for U.S. Senator from Mississippi broken down by state House district. These figures are estimates.
The 2017 U.S. Senate special election in Alabama, in which Doug Jones (D) narrowly defeated Roy Moore (R), by congressional district. My calculations using the certified results confirmed J. Miles Coleman's pre-certification assessment that Jones only won the 7th district.
Breakdowns of the following:
A folder with over a dozen other result breakdowns. Except for the 2018 Texas sheets, which are reformatted from the Texas Legislative Council's data, these are all my own work. All files not linked above except the Texas files have names beginning with the state, except for the Maricopa County, AZ, sheriff race calculations, which begin with “Maricopa”.
Copyright © 2022 Eli H. Spencer Heyman. All Rights Reserved.